Though Czechoslovakia insisted on publishing the materials first, Czechoslovakia and Hungary both provided Israel with the materials indirectly, through two semi- official organizations the names of which clearly mirror the official narratives of World War II. Eichmann stayed in Prague until October, before being called back to Berlin. Eichmann arrived to Budapest years later, in March By then, Eichmann had considerable experience organizing the transportation of Jews to extermination camps.
After months of negotiations and the involvement of the Security Council, Israel and Argentina eventually agreed to end their dispute with a joint statement.
The resolution of the Hungarian Politburo of June 28, clearly outlined that the propaganda concerning the Eichmann trial should not focus on the historical narrative but on contemporary political goals.
His interest in the topic is unsurprising. Although he started his political career in the Socialist-Zionist Hashomer Hatzair movement before the war, he later joined the Romanian Communist Party. The early s found him in Budapest, living illegally as the liaison between Transylvanian communists and the Hungarian Communist Party. His position toward Zionism was not in the least bit friendly at that time. These books were printed in Budapest but were not officially published by any publishing house in Hungary.
Therefore, it is highly probable that they were not available domestically. Therefore, it is hardly surprising that during the Politburo meeting in , Szirmai highlighted that there are certain matters which severely compromise the Israeli government and the Zionist movement. Such factors also exist. There was that Kaszner [sic] affair, whom the Israeli government had shot in order to shut him up. At an early age, he joined the youth group Barissia, the members of which were preparing to become citizens of the envisioned future state of Israel.
During the war, Kasztner moved to Budapest, where, as a member of the Jewish Rescue and Aid Committee, he tried to help Jewish refugees obtain exit visas to go to Palestine. In , he successfully negotiated with Eichmann the transport of one train with 1, Jews on it to neutral Switzerland. If we do act in this affair, the decisive thing should be that Eichmann murdered hundreds of thousands of Hungarian citizens Eichmann did not only murder Jews, there were others there, too.
This is not a Jewish question; this is the question of fascism and anti-fascism. The General Secretary also overlooked the fact that by , the elected governments of the Hungarian state had deprived Jews of most of the rights citizens would usually enjoy, restricting their access to employment, education and property, and curbing their right to free movement and marriage. The second Anti-Jewish Law, which was enacted a year later, capped Jewish presence in intellectual occupations at six percent and forbade their employment in legal and public administrative apparatuses and in secondary school education.
The law limited the number of Jews employed at companies and reinstated the Numerus Clausus in education. Jews were completely excluded from trades that were subject to state authorization. The acquisition of agricultural property by Jews was made significantly more difficult. The third Anti-Jewish Law of , which appropriated the racial definition of Jews used by the Nazi Nuremberg Laws, forbade mixed marriages between Jews and non-Jews and also criminalized sexual relationships between them.
Successful Attainment of Propaganda Goals: the Implication of the Federal Republic of Germany Though it has been argued in academic literature that propaganda always reflected the policy goals of the communist leadership,49 in the post-Stalinist context, the two certainly should not be equated. Hungarian media covered the trial very thoroughly, with about seventy articles in the aforementioned papers appearing during the trial and one hundred and thirty- seven articles altogether in the period beginning with the capture of Eichmann and ending with his execution see Table 1.
He was reinstated to Magyar Nemzet in and thus the coverage of the Eichmann trial was his first major assignment. Thus, he was a safe choice to toe the line defined by the Politburo when covering the proceedings of the trial. Hungarian media put great emphasis on the critique of West Germany. That former Nazis were still occupying high positions in West Germany was the most common topic in the Hungarian coverage of the proceedings, appearing in almost half of the articles on the Eichmann case see Table 2.
The total number of articles is in Table 1. Randolph L. These features continued after the trial began. The Israeli prosecution was approached by the East Germans to allow Kaul to join the team as an adviser, but Attorney General Gideon Hausner rejected the request on the grounds that there were no diplomatic relations between Israel and East Germany.
RG Fond , box. Also: John P. Most of the accusations were not only old, but had already been published in the West as well. Closely connected to accusations against the Adenauer government for having forgiven and even having been supportive of former Nazis was the presentation of Israel as a collaborator with West Germany.
This was a much more complicated issue, as the task of communist propaganda here was to criticize Israel without appearing anti-Semitic. If one had looked into it the pocket , one would have found a check for about million [Deutsche] Marks. Behind the trial, there are shady economic and political interests that are seldom revealed.
See: Deborah E. Therefore, though exaggerated, communist propaganda claims were not completely unfounded regarding this issue. Several arrested members of the Hungarian plutocracy joined the meetings.
Rich capitalists who were still free also took part in the negotiations in the prison… The group of rich capitalists arrived in Lisbon on June 25 [] on a German private plane. A day before, the removal of everyday Jewish people had been completed in Budapest, and two days later, the first phase of the Eichmann mission ended with the deportation of thousand people to Auschwitz. At the same time, one gets the impression that all Jewish members of the capitalist higher elites were exempted from persecution as a result of secret negotiations.
Even if we accept that the Hungarian Politburo indeed did not want to incite anti-Semitic feelings, such reports, which featured quite prominently among those before the trial see Table 2 , clearly made use of anti-Semitic imagery. Chorin was forced to resign from many of his various posts as a result of the anti-Jewish legislation in More than sixty percent of the articles addressed these issues, making the history of the Holocaust in Hungary the most prominent theme.
Information about these details was available to the journalists due to a remarkable amount of publications that had been produced in the immediate postwar years,68 material to which some of the press articles explicitly referred.
Hungarian society as a whole had abandoned the Jews before it had itself become the victim of Fascism. Close to ninety percent of all the articles that presented the historical narrative appeared before the trial. The proceedings, witnesses and supporting documents of the trial became predominantly focused on the persecution of Jews during World War II.
For instance, the trial highlighted the fact that Hungarian authorities had discriminated specifically against Jews with numerous anti-Semitic measures. During one session, a document presented to the Presiding Judge described a debate in the Hungarian Parliament from December on the question of labor camps for Jews and the ban on Christian women from work in Jewish homes.
During the same session, another document revealed that Jewish intellectuals had been made to perform forced labor in Hungary in Hansi Brand remembered one of the marches on foot when thousands of Jews had been driven through the streets by the SS. Record of Proceedings in the District Court of Jerusalem, vol. As a result of the thematic focus of the trial in Jerusalem, very few articles during the Eichmann trial in the Hungarian press dealt with non-Jewish or non-specified, general suffering only.
Even if one part of a certain article only mentioned the victimization of citizens in general, some other part of the piece usually revealed that they were indeed Jews. One article provides a fine example of how the Party line and the story of the Jewish Holocaust both appeared within one text. Yet the same report later described negotiations with the leaders of the Jewish religious community in March , just days after the German invasion. Please calm the Jews down.
To determine the level of relativization of Jewish victimhood during the war, I examine newspaper reports that discuss both Jewish and unspecified or general victimhood in the same article. Before the trial, 36 articles dealt with victimhood during the war, out of which Setting: One hundred four patients with primary dysmenorrhea were randomized to wear a sericite or placebo belt during sleep for 3 menstrual cycles, and followed for 2 menstrual cycles.
Hot packs were used to heat the ceramics and ensure slight pain relief in both groups. Main outcome measures: The main outcome measures were the severity of dysmenorrhea assessed by a point visual analog scale VAS and the number of patients who took analgesics at each menstrual cycle.
The degree of enrichment of metals in topsoil developed on the waste heap confirms the raw material and fuel used by the Solvay plant as the metal source. The strong alkalinity of the waste and its high Ca content favour retention of metals in the heap, limiting their migration into adjacent soils.
Despite the enrichment of heavy metals in the uppermost horizon on the top of the heap, the results lead us to conclude that the historical production of soda ash has currently an insignificant influence on the local soils. Further research to test the bioavailability of the pollutants deposited on the heap is recommended. Such might enable botanists to better understand the habitat of the rare plants spontaneously developed on the soda ash waste heap.
Mechanisms and pathways of trace element mobility in soils. Advances in Agronomy, 91 , — Article Google Scholar. Environmental Monitoring and Assessment, , — Adaptation strategies and referencing trial of Scots and black pine populations subjected to heavy metal pollution. Environmental Science and Pollution Research, 21 , — Cohn, E. Acta Societatis Botanicorum Poloniae, 70 1 , 47— Czerwonka, F.
Historical industry in Jaworzno. Jaworzno: Polish Readers Society. Google Scholar. Hong, J. Life cycle assessment of caustic soda production: a case study in China. Journal of Cleaner Production, 66 , — Integrated pollution prevention and control reference document on best available techniques for the manufacture of large volume inorganic chemicals—solids and others industry European Commission.
Accessed August Jadeja, R. Effect of soda ash industry effluent on bioaccumulation of metals by seaweeds of coastal region of Gujarat, India. Journal of Hazardous Materials, , — Kabata-Pendias, A. Trace elements in soil and plants 3rd ed. Biogeochemistry of trace elements. Kachenko, A. Heavy metals contamination in vegetables grown in urban and metal smelter contaminated sites in Australia. Water, Air, and Soil Pollution, , — Nejadkoorki Ed.
Accessed 17 August Lis, J. Geochemical atlas of Poland Warsaw: Polish Geological Institute. Pasieczna, A.
Impact of industry on environment in Silesia-Cracow region. CAS Google Scholar. Polish Society of Soil Science. Particle size distribution and textural classes of soils and mineral materials—classification of Polish Society of Soil Sciences Soil Science Annual, 60 2 , 5— Polish Standard PN-B Building soils. Laboratory tests, in Polish. Regulation of the Minister of Environment on the assessment of the groundwater condition Dz.
Regulation of the Minister of Environment on the standards for soil and ground quality Dz. Regulation of the Minister of Health on the standards for potable water quality Dz. Metallophytes in biotopes polluted by waste dumps rich in Zn-Pb, Cd Olkusz region —review of previous and planned research. As the Allied war crimes trials wound down in and the West German authorities also took over responsibility for investigating Nazi war crimes generally. These investigations and trials had fizzled out by the early s.
The primary role of the Zentrale Stelle was to initiate and coordinate investigations and subsequent trials. Without a coordinating authority such as the Zentrale Stelle it would have been impossible to efficiently investigate and prosecute war crimes in a strongly federal system as the Federal Republic of Germany. The Zentrale Stelle initiated investigations and assigned responsibility for further individual investigations and any subsequent trial to a particular Bundesland.
This avoided multiple investigations and trials of for example the same concentration camp. The Zentrale Stelle also acted in the first instance as a contact point with war crimes investigators in other countries for example in Poland and Israel and collected testimonies, documents etc from these countries for use in investigations and trials.
The prosecutors in each Bundesland undertook the detailed investigations and any subsequent trial. Copies of testimonies and trial documents were to be forwarded to the Zentrale Stelle and it effectively became a central collection point and archive. It also produced periodic reports on investigations and trials underway and the results of the trial program. The investigations and trials initiated by the Zentrale Stelle are the most extensive undertaken by any country including the US and Poland.
The trials and investigations however, proved a huge disappointment in terms of the number of successful convictions. Prosecutions were pursued under the German Criminal Code which required evidence of specific crimes which could be attributed to a particular individual for example shooting or maltreatment of a prisoner.
The definition of murder under the German Criminal Code is very specifically defined and crimes not capable of being proven as murder could only be brought as charges for manslaughter. Most of the required evidence to prove a murder charge could only be secured from direct witnesses of war crimes and most of the surviving direct prisoner witnesses if any lived in Israel, Poland, the Soviet Union and the US.
For crimes committed against the Jews, the number of survivors of the camps and death marches were few and tracing witnesses not an easy task. Individual investigations dragged on for years. The West German approach to war crimes was totally different to the US and Polish war crimes trials where membership of a criminal organisation such as the SS and being a member of the concentration camp staff or associated with the concentration camp were sufficient for a guilty verdict. Attempting to try war criminals 20 years and more after the events occurred and requiring specific eye-witness testimony of specific crimes sufficient to meet the requirements of the German Criminal Code was never realistic.
If the West Germans had applied the same legal approach as the Poles and United States, it would have had to put on trial tens of thousands of its own nationals. This was never going to happen in s West Germany at the time of the cold war, the post war economic boom and high living standards.
Many West Germans had no interest in re-opening the memories of the Nazi period. However, as a historical record the documentation of war crimes produced from the West German investigations and trials should be seen as some of the most important evidence now existing for use in research.
It was not until the trial and interim conviction in Munich of John Demjanjuk a former guard in the Sobibor death camp between and that previously difficult legal hurdles to securing successful war crimes convictions were relaxed. The Demjanjuk case was the first time in Germany that a person had been convicted for war crimes without it being specifically proven that they were involved in the death or maltreatment of prisoners. Legally Demjanjuk is innocent as he died while his case was subject to appeal, however the legal precedence had been set to allow a program of war crimes trials.
The German approach to war crimes trials is now effectively the same legal approach adopted by the United States in their war crimes trials between and Eighteen were found guilty and sentenced to prison terms of between 3 years and 3 months and life imprisonment. Our analysis of the West German war crimes investigations and trial of the former Auschwitz sub camp personnel shows that a total of 9 men were convicted of war crimes committed in one of the sub camps of Auschwitz.
There were also a number of Kapos found guilty of war crimes committed in the Auschwitz sub camps. The vast majority of the many former SS personnel of the Auschwitz concentration camp staff who were located and many of which gave witness testimonies for the West German trials and investigations from the s to the s were never properly investigated nor brought to trial. It is an interesting point to note that many of the SS witnesses in the trials and investigations in the period from to would certainly under current German law be brought to trial and convicted.
Farben in Liquidation, seeking damages for pain and suffering and payment of the wages of which he had been deprived. Farben to payment of 10, DM.
Farben on the one hand and Wollheim and the Claims Conference on the other hand, as a consequence of which a total of 30 million DM was paid to former forced labourers of I. Farben i. Rudolf Wachsmann had been arrested by the Gestapo in , at the age of 14, and deported to a concentration camp. Beginning in April , he had to perform forced labour for I.
His father was beaten to death by SS guards. After liberation, Wachsmann emigrated to the United States, where he acquired American citizenship in and performed his military service. Relieved of field duty because of physical ailments, he was transferred to Mannheim as a military policeman in fall Here, on July 23, , his two lawyers, M.
Philip Lorber and Henry G. Vogel, filed an action against I. The complaint was based on the serious physical abuse to which Wachsmann had been subjected at the I. Auschwitz plant, and on wage claims for forced labour. In all, Wachsmann was asking for , DM plus 4 percent interest since January 19, The representatives of I. Above all, they alleged that the American court had no jurisdiction in this case. The reactions of Norbert Wollheim and Henry Ormond were also fearful: They were afraid that their own suit would be endangered.
The first day of the trial on September 17, , ended in adjournment; as Wachsmann was to be transferred back to the United States by November 1, , I. Nonetheless, on October 16, the court confirmed its jurisdiction and began the trial with the examination of Wachsmann. After several exchanges of letters between the parties, I. Wachsmann finally pledged to abandon his right to sue in early February , and he received 20, DM from I. The only investigations and trials of former SS guards and SS-Aufseherinnen from the Auschwitz sub camps, we are aware of, in other countries, relate to 3 SS-Aufseherinnen from the Lichtewerden sub camp who were tried in Czechoslovakia immediately after the end of the war.
We have so far been unable to put names or confirm personal details for 10 of these. The fate of another 10 is unknown. Professor Aleksander Lasik renowned expert on the SS Auschwitz camp personnel has been for many years constituting a card index and subsequent database of the SS personnel who served in the Auschwitz complex of camps.
In the year Professor Lasik estimated that there were between 7, and 7, persons who had served in the Auschwitz camp complex. In mid-January it is estimated that that there were 4, men serving in the Auschwitz complex of camps and 71 SS- Aufseherinnen. In the ratio of prisoners to guards in the concentration camps was 2 to 1.
During the war this ratio rose dramatically to more than 20 to 1 as the number of prisoners in the Stammlager and their sub camps dramatically increased. The SS looked at ways of compensating for the growing ratio of prisoners to guards including: using dogs and fencing in the workplaces as well as increasing the number of SS guards from by recruiting Volksdeutsche from amongst the populations of German occupied Poland, German occupied Sudetenland, Croatia, Slovakia, Romania, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia.
This number has been estimated from prisoner testimonies of the number of guards from individual sub camps. Where no estimates were available from testimonies an estimate was made based on the number of prisoners in the sub camp. In the very smallest sub camps with between 10 and prisoners there was obviously a higher ratio of guards to prisoners to maintain a minimum level of security.
This would give a difference of between the number quoted by Dr. Setkiewicz at September and our estimate at January The total size of the Landswirtschaftskompanie was around persons. It numbered approximately men. From our research to date many of these men were assigned to the Auschwitz sub camps.
Some guards in the Auschwitz sub camps were never formally assigned to the Auschwitz camp staff or incorporated into the SS including men from Organisation Todt and other members of the armed forces. Some of these men had been assigned from the Wehrmacht High Command at the request of Heinrich Himmler on 26 June Eight hundred men were assigned to guard factories which produced armaments for the Wehrmacht and other branches of the armed forces and in which concentration camp prisoners laboured.
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